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20
хв

«I like killing people». How conversations that no one was supposed to hear became dialogues everyone must listen to

«And how do the locals treat you?» - asks the wife of a Russian military commander over the phone. «The locals are starting to get angry... - he replies. - All the agriculture, all the industry is at a standstill. A mother was walking with two children... And so what, our guys shot her in front of the children. Killed her». «Well, she is an enemy too!» - the woman approves of what she hears

Kateryna Kopanieva

The cognitive dissonance arises from the fact that Russian occupiers are human, but their actions are inhumane. Photo: Instagram Libkos

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This conversation between a Russian occupier and his wife was intercepted by Ukrainian intelligence on May 7th 2022. A fragment of the dialogue became part of the film by Ukrainian director Oksana Karpovych titled Intercepted (or in the Ukrainian version «Мирні люди» (Peaceful people)), which premiered at the Berlinale in late February. The film received a special mention from the ecumenical jury in the Forum section, a commendation from Amnesty International’s jury, and was one of the most discussed films at the festival. The film also won top awards at WATCH DOCS 2024 and international film festivals in Krakow and Hong Kong.

European viewers were shocked by the conversations of Russian soldiers describing to their wives and mothers how they enjoyed torturing and shooting people. Equally striking was the reaction of the women, who, in a mundane tone, asked for details and even endorsed the horrific crimes - some even urged their husbands to rape Ukrainian women and speculated on how they themselves would torture Ukrainian children. Against the backdrop of these recordings, the destruction and chaos left by the Russians in Ukraine are shown. Director Oksana Karpovych describes the film as a «collocation of two realities»: the reality of Ukrainians experiencing the war and the reality of Russians waging it.

The film Intercepted is not yet publicly available, it will appear in Ukraine no earlier than June

Excerpts of intercepted conversations were published throughout 2022 on the official websites of the SBU and GUR of Ukraine. Ukrainian journalist and activist Yulia Nikitina, who collaborated with director Oksana Karpovych during the film’s creation, personally collected, transcribed, and systematised over 500 such recordings. They became part of an online «Citizen's Encyclopaedia» created by Yulia.

- Transcribing the interceptions was not easy for me: after hearing what I did, it took me a long time to recover, - Yulia Nikitina tells Sestry. - I understand the shock of European viewers - the scenes in the film must have completely shifted gears in their perception of what is happening.

Many people in Europe are convinced that Putin alone is responsible for the war. And then they hear Russian soldiers talking about how they enjoy killing civilians. Meanwhile, the mothers and wives of these soldiers endorse their actions and ask them to bring back items from the Ukrainians they have killed.

I would like foreign journalists to use the materials from the encyclopaedia as often as possible, as it contains all the intercepted conversations from 2022 - these are pieces of evidence that will help many people in other countries open their eyes to what is happening in Russia. When Oksana Karpovych contacted me while working on the film, I sped up the transcriptions to assist her.

«I would cut off these children's ears every day, one by one, a finger at a time»...

The most horrifying recordings (some of which were included in the film) are gathered in the section «Executioners of Ukraine». Many of these Russians were identified by Ukrainian special services, so their surnames and even photographs are included in the encyclopaedia.

For example, there is a woman who, in one recording, tells her husband that she would personally torture children. She worked in a children's hospital (!), where small Ukrainian children abducted by the Russians were brought.

Russians Julia and Volodymyr Kopytov are featured in the intercepted recording published on May 11th 2022, where Julia tells her husband:

«You know, these children are telling our children that May 9th «is not our holiday». These children, our children at school, are saying it. And you know, they will grow up, and it will continue like that... Why does Putin say, «All of you, go to Russia?» These idiots... They should have been killed right there and then».

- You are so kind.

- I would have injected them with drugs, looked them in the eyes and said: «Die». I would have cut off their genitals, carved stars into their backs, and cut off an ear every day, a finger too, just to make it painful for them.

- But they are children, Julia.

- I simply hate these Ukrainians, Volodya, now I hate them even more. I would have shot even those children».

Bakhmut, 2023. Photo: Instagram Libkos

- The reactions of women are, in many cases, even more horrifying than what their husbands describe, - notes Yulia Nikitina. - A husband says he killed a woman in front of her children, and the wife approves. Another occupier's wife herself urges her husband to rape Ukrainian women: «Go on, rape those Ukrainian women, I allow it» (this conversation between Russian soldier Roman Bykovskyi and his wife Olga was intercepted on April 12th 2022. - Author). The willingness to normalise any atrocity, as long as you are on the same side as those committing it, is striking.

Another topic is the mothers of Russian soldiers. Devout women, who talk about attending church, urge their sons «to kill more Ukrainians». Other mothers are completely indifferent. In one recording, an occupier complains to his mother about the frontline situation - telling her that commanders are sending soldiers «to the slaughter», that soldiers try to escape at the first opportunity. To which the mother tells him to stay until the end, convincing him that he is «atoning for his past life, in which he betrayed the homeland». It does not seem to bother her that her son might die.

«You can make 21 roses on a man's body»

The main figures in the intercepted conversation from May 3rd 2022 are Russian soldier Konstantin Solovyov and his mother Tatyana from Kaliningrad Oblast. Konstantin, serving in the 11th Army Corps of the Baltic Fleet and stationed in Kharkiv Oblast, tells his mother:

«In front of my eyes, basically (and I participated in it too), prisoners were tortured. By the FSB officers. Do you know what a «rose» is? You can make 21 roses on a man's body. Twenty fingers and, pardon me, the genitalia. Have you seen how a rose unfolds and opens? The same way, the skin is peeled off along the bones with flesh, and then all the fingers... The same is done there... Or another torture method, I forgot its name - they insert a pipe into the anus and push barbed wire into it... This barbed wire method is said to be from Chechnya... I do not feel even a bit of pity... I enjoy it so much».

The mother of the torturer, who at the beginning of the conversation talks about visiting churches and praying for her son, calmly listens and says: «I always told you that I still restrain myself. If I were there, I would enjoy it too. We are the same, you and I».

Avdiivka, 2023. Photo: Instagram Libkos

- It is worth noting that sometimes (very rarely) there were sane people on the recordings who were shocked by what was happening, - says Yulia Nikitina. - In the encyclopaedia, I called this section «Glimpses of Conscience». It is the shortest section - because, unfortunately, there are few glimpses.

For example, there is a conversation between a Russian soldier and a woman, either his former classmate or childhood friend. He calls her from the frontline and tells her what he is doing in Ukraine. The woman, horrified, asks: «You are doing what?!» She asks him never to call her again. To which the occupier promises to «return and straighten her out».

European viewers have reportedly questioned the authenticity of the recordings.

As someone who personally transcribed these conversations, I can say with absolute certainty that they are genuine. There are things that simply cannot be acted - such as accents and regional dialects

For instance, the language used by representatives of the so-called «L/DPR» is unmistakable due to their characteristic «ponyal» at the end of every sentence. Occupiers from the Far East have very distinctive accents. Depending on the date and region where the Russians were located, the recordings reveal how their mood shifted - from euphoria in the Kyiv region, when they looted wealthy homes, to panic during the liberation of Kharkiv and Kherson regions by Ukrainian Armed Forces. In these later recordings, the occupiers complain to their relatives about sleeping in puddles, being sent to their deaths by commanders, and the state failing to pay the promised money.

«Imagine how they lived? And how we live, damn it»...

Intercepted on March 30th 2022. Kyiv region. Russian soldier Andrey calls his wife to tell her he has «stolen some cosmetics» and «women's trainers, branded, size 38…».

His wife is delighted: «All for the house, all for the family… It will be a souvenir from Ukraine, totally fine. What Russian does not nick something, right!». She plans to give the trainers to their daughter and justifies the looting: «They will be for Sofia! I am sure all the guys have taken stuff, not just you!»

The man worries that he does not have a bag, which prevents him from stealing a laptop as well. His wife insists: «Sofia needs a laptop for her studies too, damn it». The man reports that the family he is robbing is «sporty», so he «took vitamins, sports vests and shorts».

«Take everything, Andrey. Whatever you can - take it. Imagine how they lived? And how we live, damn it…»

Mykolaiv, 2022. Photo: Instagram Libkos

- It was important for me to document every recording - with the date of interception and the occupiers’ locations, - says Yulia Nikitina. - The purpose of the encyclopaedia is to collect only reliable and verified data. I created it even before the full-scale invasion, and initially, it was a reference guide about Kyiv, including dossiers on Kyiv City Council deputies, details about green space disputes and other issues. When the full-scale war began, I decided to document the interceptions. In the media, such information quickly gets lost in the news feed. But in the reference guide, it is always easy to find. Soon, I plan to start transcribing interceptions from 2023.

Reflecting on the causes of the Russians’ cruelty (both soldiers and their families), Yulia Nikitina says:

- I believe it is the result of the degradation of several generations.

I think the mothers of the occupiers are the key to understanding this phenomenon

Most of them are apathetic, speak slowly, and whatever their sons tell them - whether it is about torturing someone or their imminent death - the mothers seem unbothered. It is as if they were asleep.

It is evident that such a mother raised her child in this state - without trying to teach or protect them. All her life, this woman believes she is a small person, with no agency. She does not want to change anything and sees no point in doing so - willing to blindly accept anything. If the television says the «special operation» is justified, she agrees.

Inhuman actions by humans

Director Oksana Karpovych revealed at the Berlin Film Festival that she lived in Canada for nine years but returned to Ukraine three weeks before the full-scale invasion, witnessing events in Kyiv firsthand. The idea for the film emerged after she listened to the first excerpts of intercepted conversations published by Ukrainian intelligence.

The director shared that during the film’s production, she wanted access to even more intercepted recordings that had not been published. However, they remain classified by the Security Service of Ukraine.

«The cognitive dissonance arises from the fact that Russian occupiers are human, but their actions are inhumane, - Karpovych quotes the German publication Arsenal. - To show this inhumanity, I had to show humanity. This principle guided my choice of interceptions. I searched for conversations about everyday life that portrayed Russian soldiers as ordinary people, relatable to anyone anywhere in the world. This helps illustrate the stages of degradation through which Russians have passed».

The degradation of Russian society, according to Oksana Karpovych, is the result of a long-term strategy by the Russian government.

Psychologists also attribute the atrocities committed by Russians to propaganda.

- What we hear on intercepted recordings is undoubtedly the result of propaganda: for the last several decades, Russians have been told via television screens that threats stem from Western countries (and later from Ukraine), - explains forensic psychology expert Yuriy Irkhin of the Kyiv Research Institute of Forensic Examinations. - Simultaneously, the cult of victory over Nazism (which has transformed into a true obsession) and the cult of war - the readiness to fight against a mythical threat «to avoid war» - were being propagated. For this idea, Russian women are willing to sacrifice even their husbands and sons. In some recordings, they explicitly say: «Die, but save us from this Nazism».

Bakhmut, 2022. Photo: Instagram Libkosv

However, I would not describe Russians purely as victims of propaganda. Those who wish to think and analyse do so. When you enter a restaurant, you can choose your dish or eat whatever is served, regardless of its quality. The same applies to information - people always have a choice about what they consume. Unfortunately, most Russians prefer to consume what is given to them - it is easier that way. And we see how this leads to moral degradation and moral deformity.

For a mentally healthy person, it is inconceivable how individuals can be so cruel. This is why people in European countries question whether the intercepted recordings are genuine, as what they hear defies common sense.

As a forensic psychology expert, I have listened to numerous intercepted recordings of occupiers’ conversations, and even investigators have asked me whether there is any hidden meaning in the occupiers’ words. But no, the meanings are quite straightforward. They mean exactly what they say. Most of these conversations are very primitive. There are recordings where women, listening to their husbands describe torture, clearly experience real ecstasy.

This is a specific type of person inclined towards violence. This is why the husbands of these women joined the so-called «special operation». I work with Russian prisoners of war and can say that many among them share this disposition. They joined this war to fulfil their animalistic instinct, their desire to dominate and rape. Such beasts are primarily sent to the frontlines in the Russian army, where they are instructed: «Kill all Ukrainians without exception. Destroy everything. We are building a new world here». And they destroy. The wives and mothers of these beasts are mostly the same.

Certainly, there are exceptions.

From my experience, out of every 60 occupiers, there are approximately two soldiers who did not want to kill and even tried to stop others. But two out of sixty is extremely few

Besides the true beasts, there are many who joined the «special operation» with the aim of getting rich. These are the ones who looted homes, taking everything from valuables to toilets. There are recordings where their wives give «helpful advice» - suggesting they look for money in bedding or the freezer. This is also a specific type of person: in these cases too, the wives and their husbands are the same.

- The war that the Putin regime unleashed against Ukraine would have been psychologically and physically impossible without Ukrainians being entirely dehumanised in the Russian collective consciousness, - comments social psychologist Svitlana Chunikhina for Sestry. - Before setting the goals of «denazification» and «demilitarisation» of Ukraine, Russian propaganda carried out extensive work to dehumanise its citizens.

We observe that this dehumanisation is even more characteristic of Russia’s civilian population (such as the mothers) than of combatants, who see the situation up close and can understand that on the other side of the front line are people, not mythical Nazis.

Commenting on the behaviour of the mothers of Russian soldiers, many of whom are indifferent even to the fate of their own sons, Svitlana Chunikhina says:

- Among the values of Russians, the value of human life is not, to put it mildly, a priority. Historically, they have been shaped to consider the honour of the state as superior to any human need. The powerful influence of propaganda over the past ten years has led to politics being widely perceived by Russians as a supreme value. Even natural maternal feelings are completely distorted through this warped perspective.

Another reason for the mothers’ unnatural indifference could be the terror that Russians feel towards their own regime. This terror is so intense that it becomes unbearable. Thus, by repressing these intolerable feelings into the unconscious, the women exhibit extreme indifference towards their own children.

Russian society is undoubtedly afflicted and infected by propaganda. Most Russians possess an imperial consciousness and view neighbouring peoples as less significant, less valuable, and obligated to submit. However, without the powerful influence of propaganda and the grotesque transformation of the Putin regime into outright dictatorship, Russian society would likely not have approved, let alone initiated, this war.

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A Ukrainian journalist with 15 years of experience. She worked as a special correspondent for the national Ukrainian newspaper «Facts», covering emergencies, high-profile court cases and writing about prominent people, as well as the lives and education of Ukrainians abroad. She has also collaborated with a number of international media outlets.

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Kaja Puto: History shows that war is an opportunity for the emancipation of women. During the Second World War, European women began to work in industries previously dominated by men, such as railways and the military sector. Are we witnessing something similar in Ukraine today?

Liliya Faskhutdinova: Undoubtedly. Sectors where men previously dominated are now lacking workforce, and more and more women are being employed in them. This is due to the fact that many men are fighting on the frontlines, and thousands have already died there. Some have also refused to work because they are hiding from mobilisation.

You can increasingly see women behind the wheel of a bus or truck, in a mine or on a construction site. However, I would not call this emancipation. Women in Ukraine have been economically active since Soviet times, as employment was mandatory then. After the collapse of the USSR, wages became too low to survive on one income. Therefore, I see it differently: the war has made society more open to women taking on more diverse roles in the labour market.

It also works the other way around, because some men have taken up jobs in sectors dominated by women, such as education. This protects them from conscription, as teachers are considered critically important to the state and are not subject to mobilisation. Perhaps this is not the noblest motivation, but likely some of these teachers will remain in the profession after the war. This could have a positive impact on the gender balance among staff in Ukrainian schools.

And what about politics? Women play a huge role in the Ukrainian volunteer community, which supports the army and state institutions. This community enjoys public trust, which may translate into political success after the war. Are new female leaders already emerging?

Undoubtedly, after the war, new faces will appear in politics, and among them will be volunteers. However, I am not certain that they will be primarily women. Society is aware of the enormous contribution they make to volunteering - helping to raise funds for military equipment, medical supplies and so on. A certain image of the female volunteer has been entrenched in the collective imagination: an older woman weaving camouflage nets for soldiers. However, she usually remains unnamed. In my view, the most recognisable volunteers are men. They are the ones most often awarded and interviewed, and whose faces are known.

Recently, I asked my acquaintances whether they could name any female volunteers. Almost no one could. But everyone knows Serhiy Prytula or Vasyl Baidak. War or no war - it is harder for women to be recognised. Nevertheless, the trend of female activism in Ukrainian politics is on the rise. In the 2000s, women accounted for less than 10 per cent of parliamentarians, now it is over 20 per cent. This may be helped by the quotas introduced in 2019 in electoral lists. We have not had the opportunity to verify this, as no elections have taken place since the Russian invasion, except for local government elections.

A woman walks past sandbags installed for protection against Russian shelling in central Kyiv, Ukraine, Tuesday, June 7th 2022. Photo: AP Photo/Efrem Lukatsky, APTOPIX

Quotas were introduced to bring Ukrainian legislation closer to EU standards in the field of women's rights. Is this argument still convincing for Ukrainian society?

Yes. Ukrainians generally have an idealistic view of the West and want to be part of it. This makes it easier to promote progressive values. Tolerance towards LGBTQI+ people is growing - for many Ukrainians, it seems, precisely because they want to be Europeans. They do not want to resemble Russians, who persecute homosexuals and at the same time decriminalise domestic violence.

We have discussed positive trends that give hope for progress in the field of Ukrainian women's rights. Unfortunately, war also brings dangers in this area.

What do you mean?

There is a risk that when men return from war, they will be so revered that women will be expected to forgive them everything, to show gratitude, to bear them children, even more so than before. In the traditional image, a woman is a protectress, a caring goddess, a martyr who patiently endures all the hardships of family life.

In my parents’ generation, many women supported their husbands even if they abused alcohol. They called their decisions care and responsibility

In Poland, this is the «matka Polka», who «carries her cross». Fortunately, this model is receding into the past.

In Ukraine, it had also begun to fade. But then the war came, and everything became more complicated. Men returning from war find it difficult to reintegrate into reality. They have seen death and cruelty, many suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder, some are prone to violence.

To this are added broken bonds. Long months on the frontline mean that you often feel a stronger connection with your comrades in the trenches than with your family. After returning, this can ruin your relationship with your wife. Mistrust and jealousy arise, suspicions such as: «You cheated while I was gone». I know cases where men at the start of the war wanted their women to go abroad, but now treat them as traitors.

It is hard for me to talk about this. I am infinitely grateful to all the soldiers who are defending my country. If they behave inappropriately as a result of their experiences - I know it is not their fault. My heart breaks when I think about what they have endured.

This is the fault of Russia, which invaded your country.

Yes, it is the fault of the aggressor. But we, Ukraine, cannot allow their suffering to cause additional suffering for women and children. We all suffer, men and women, and many of us will have psychological problems for the rest of our lives.

The war will also leave its mark on future generations. The task of the Ukrainian state, as well as Ukrainian society, is to mitigate these terrible consequences

Are you not afraid that such a campaign may be perceived negatively? Already during the war, Ukrzaliznytsia introduced women-only compartments on night trains. This provoked the outrage of many men: «We are risking our lives for you, and you make us out to be predators?»

Of course, it will be met with resistance. Not only from men, but also from women, especially those whose husbands are fighting or have already returned from the front. Many problems in the army are already very difficult to talk about - gratitude to soldiers makes them taboo topics. However, if we truly want to be a European rule-of-law state, we must learn to find solutions for these uncomfortable problems.

A woman with her daughter waits for a train, trying to leave Kyiv, Ukraine, Thursday, February 24th 2022. Photo: AP Photo/Emilio Morenatti, APTOPIX

What problems do you mean?

For example, sexual harassment in the army. I am not saying this is a widespread issue, but such cases do occur, and they must be condemned. When, at the beginning of the Russian invasion, a victim of such violence publicly shared her experience, some people responded very critically. They accused her of discrediting the Ukrainian armed forces and implied that women join the army to find a boyfriend. Fortunately, after three years of full-scale war, it has become somewhat easier to talk about problems. We no longer censor ourselves as we did at the beginning.

How can the state help veterans?

Helping veterans is one part - they need psychological support, as well as comprehensive programmes to facilitate their reintegration into civilian life. For some, it would be good to receive a grant to start their own business (such programmes already exist), while others need help with employment. We must not allow war veterans to sit idle at home. This also applies to those who became disabled on the frontlines.

However, support is also needed for families. When a soldier returns from war, they bear a huge burden. They do not know what to expect or how to respond. Moreover, I believe a campaign should be directed specifically at women along the lines of: «You have the right to leave, even if your husband is a hero». Nothing justifies living with an abuser.

Nevertheless, the position of Ukrainian servicewomen has generally improved since 2014...

Yes, absolutely. Previously, they could hardly hold combat positions. They fought on the frontlines, but were officially, for example, cooks. Today, such cases are exceptions. Ukrainian servicewomen are appreciated on a symbolic level too - Defender of Ukraine Day, celebrated on 1 October, has been renamed Defender and Defendress of Ukraine Day. The Ministry of Defence acknowledges the contribution of servicewomen to the country’s defence, and stories like «beautiful women make our service more pleasant» are, fortunately, heard less and less in the media. However, it is still difficult for women in the army to be promoted to leadership positions.

A serious problem also concerns homosexual relationships among servicewomen. They are not recognised by the Ukrainian state. When your partner is wounded or taken prisoner, you will not be informed. When she dies, you cannot see her body.

When a biological mother dies, her partner has no rights to the child. This also applies to male military personnel, except that more children are raised in lesbian partnerships

Alright, but ultimately it is men in the army who face greater discrimination - unlike women, they are forcibly conscripted. Thus, they are deprived of their right to life and health, the fundamental human right...

I often hear this narrative from foreigners. It annoys me just as much as when our defenders are told that «killing people is wrong». Of course, it is wrong, but what are we supposed to do? For those who are not confronted daily with a threat to life, it is easy to theorise and criticise our decisions, and harder to offer alternatives. Surrender to Russia? Send everyone to the frontlines? Draw lots to decide which parent ends up in the army? How will we protect children and the elderly then? Who will work to keep the economy going?

Female volunteers of the women's mobile air defence group «Buchan Witches» undergo combat training in the Bucha area near Kyiv, Ukraine, Saturday, August 3rd 2024. The «Buchan Witches» group operates in the Bucha district to shoot down Russian drones approaching Kyiv. Photo: AP Photo/Efrem Lukatsky

Women, unlike men, were legally allowed to leave Ukraine.

This, in turn, is a huge challenge for the Ukrainian sisterhood. Tension has arisen between the women who left and those who stayed. Some of us blame each other: «You abandoned your country in its time of need, you ran away, you betrayed us». Or: «You stayed, you are ruining your children’s lives».

This is very sad to me. I believe everyone has the right to make the decision they think is best for their family. It is a tragic choice, because every decision is wrong in some way. This tension harms Ukraine because some refugee women may not want to return home because of it. I know women who left, and their families stopped speaking to them.

And will they be accepted back?

I think that when the war ends, this tension will subside, and people will begin to live new lives. But for many refugee women, this will be a reason not to return to Ukraine.

Are you not afraid that the negative impact of the war on the rights of Ukrainian women will outweigh the positive?

I do not know. I am an optimist, I hope the positive will prevail. But I assess the chances as fifty-fifty.

How has the war changed you as a feminist?

Before the full-scale war began, I would have said that above all, I am a woman. Nothing was more important to me in terms of my identity. Today I say that I am Ukrainian. War unites nationality more than anything else. If you do not know war, you will never understand it.

<frame>Liliya «Lila» Faskhutdinova is a feminist and human rights activist with ten years of experience in civil society, anti-discrimination programmes and gender equality advocacy. She received a bachelor's degree in philology from the Sorbonne and a master's degree in human rights from the University of Padua. She has worked with Syrian refugees in Turkey, internally displaced persons in Ukraine, people living with HIV, LGBTQI+ individuals and women. She currently lives in Lviv, where she is working on a women’s empowerment project at an international humanitarian organisation.<frame>

20
хв

Farewell to the Protectress

Kaja Puto

Joanna Mosiej: I would like to begin our conversation with your family history, because on many levels it serves as a metaphor for our Polish-Ukrainian relations. I am referring to your ancestors, the Szeptycki brothers. Roman (Andrey Sheptytsky - head of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, Metropolitan of Galicia, Archbishop of Lviv (1901–1944) - Edit.) converted to the Greek Catholic faith, entered a monastery, and later became Metropolitan. Another brother, Stanisław, first served in the Austrian army, and after the war became a general in the Polish army. Both were patriots, individuals deeply devoted to the countries they served. And they maintained a fraternal bond.

Professor Andrzej Szeptycki: Of the five Szeptycki brothers, two identified themselves as Ukrainians - Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky and Blessed Father Klymentiy - and three were Poles. I am referring to General Stanisław Szeptycki and also his brothers, Aleksander and my great-grandfather Leon. Metropolitan Andrey and Father Klymentiy regularly came on holiday to rest at the family home in Prylbichi in the Yavoriv district, where my great-grandfather Leon Szeptycki later lived. Despite their national differences, they maintained good relations with each other until the end of their lives.

Professor Andrzej Szeptycki. Photo: Michal Zebrowski / East News

They proved to us that different national identities can coexist without excluding one another.

I believe it was also very important that in the case of each of them, national identity was a significant element of life, but not the only one. In the case of Metropolitan Andrey and Father Klymentiy, their vocation and religious choices were primary as clergy. General Stanisław Szeptycki, as a soldier of that time, first served in the Austro-Hungarian and then in the Polish army and sought to serve his country well. They were certainly patriots - of each nation with which they identified. On the other hand, it is very important that they were certainly not nationalists. And this allowed them to respect different views while remaining close to one another.

Was such a legacy, a borderland identity, a value or a curse for your family? How does it define you?

During the communist period, it was somewhat of a challenge, a burden. The communist authorities viewed representatives of the former noble class negatively. In the case of the Szeptycki family, this was further combined with a very strong propaganda narrative directed against Ukrainians in Poland. And, of course, directed personally against Metropolitan Andrey, who was portrayed as a Ukrainian nationalist and spiritual father of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. During the communist period, and even in the 1990s, relatives quite regularly heard that Szeptycki is a Banderite». Nowadays, this has practically disappeared. I experienced this myself in 2023 when I was running an election campaign. The few voter reactions to my name were generally positive. In this sense, it is a significant change.

Apart from comments on social media, of course.

Yes, there I am often called Szeptycki - a Ukrainian, a Banderite. And surely there is a portion of society that will always react in this way. Returning to how it defines me, ever since our student years, my cousins and I have quite often travelled around Ukraine.

Some of us needed only one trip, while others stayed longer, for life. My cousin moved to Lviv a few years ago at the age of 50. Another cousin established the Szeptycki Family Foundation, which became actively involved in supporting Ukraine after February 24th 2022.

Photo: Karina Krystosiak/REPORTER

How do you explain this outburst of solidarity among us in 2022?

I believe there are three important factors. Firstly, the simple human need to help. Altruism which arises when we witness the suffering of others and react without much consideration.

Secondly, the shared experience of Russian imperialism. This has always resonated with Polish society. It is worth recalling the Polish response to the war in Chechnya - the reception of refugees, the clear sympathies. Or the year 2008 and the war in Georgia. Poland does not have strong cultural or geographical ties with Georgia, yet the reaction was vivid. We remember President Lech Kaczyński’s visit to Tbilisi and his prophetic words: today Georgia, tomorrow Ukraine, the day after, perhaps the Baltic states, and then Poland. But most importantly - and in my opinion decisively - is the fact that none of this arose in a vacuum. This solidarity did not suddenly sprout in a desert, but on rather fertile ground which Poles and Ukrainians had been cultivating together over the past three decades.

From the 1990s, both sides carried out considerable work to develop interpersonal contacts. In 2022, many Poles were not helping «refugees». We were, for the most part, simply helping friends

Keeping in mind the great importance of the prior presence of Ukrainian refugees who had arrived in Poland since 2014, economic migrants from Ukraine, and the Ukrainian minority, primarily descendants of the victims of Operation Vistula.

Of course. Since the beginning of the war, that is, since 2014, or even since 2004, the Ukrainian minority in Poland has played an important role in supporting Ukraine - collecting funds, purchasing equipment, sending that equipment to the frontline. And receiving Ukrainian military refugees after February 24th 2022. Undoubtedly, the role of this community cannot be overestimated.

Precisely. You have been researching Polish-Ukrainian relations for many years. How have they changed? How has the Poles’ perception of Ukrainians changed?

It has been a long process. From the establishment of mutual contacts in the 1990s, through the Orange Revolution, the Revolution of Dignity - up to 2022. And, on the other hand, through the long-term presence in Poland of a significant group of economic migrants from Ukraine. Let us not forget that none of this would have been possible without the consistency of Poland’s Eastern policy and the legacy of the thought of the Paris-based «Kultura» and Jerzy Giedroyc personally. This belief in the importance of Ukraine, the importance of good relations, the necessity of support.

We were the first country to recognise Ukraine’s independence.

And it is worth mentioning a very important, albeit little-known, moment in Polish-Ukrainian relations on the eve of the USSR’s collapse, namely the participation of the Polish delegation of civic committees in the 1st Congress of the People’s Movement in Kyiv in 1989. The presence of representatives of the Polish civic committees, including Adam Michnik and Bogdan Borusewicz, was a symbolic gesture of support for Ukraine from Polish «Solidarity» at a time when Poland was still part of the Warsaw Pact and Ukraine still within the USSR.

Photo: Łukasz Gdak/East News

And what were the subsequent milestones of our cooperation?

First and foremost, the three key events of the past two decades, which I have already mentioned: the Orange Revolution, the Revolution of Dignity, and the full-scale Russian invasion in 2022. Each of these was met in Poland with clear public interest and a broad response of solidarity.

A sense of shared destiny, the legacy of Solidarity and the struggle for independence played an important role. At times, analogies were even drawn: it was said that Ukrainians in 2022 found themselves in a situation similar to that faced by Poles during the Second World War. The exhibition «Warsaw - Mariupol: cities of ruins, cities of struggle, cities of hope» was one such attempt to draw this symbolic parallel: cities levelled to the ground, the suffering of civilians, resistance. But it was also accompanied by another, no less important conviction: that Ukrainians today are facing something we, fortunately, are not experiencing - a classic violent conflict with Russian imperialism. And this solidarity manifested itself in Polish assistance.

What can we do to ensure this unprecedented solidarity seen in 2022 is not wasted? Today, in addition to the demons of the past, such as Volyn’ and the issue of exhumations, there are pressing social and economic problems.

Firstly, it is important to realise that no surge of solidarity lasts forever. The enthusiasm for Ukrainians that erupted after the beginning of the Russian invasion has gradually waned, and we are now in a phase where tension and fatigue are beginning to accumulate.

For most of its recent history, Poland has been a country of emigration - people left in search of work, bread, a better life. The issue of immigration was virtually absent from public debate. Today, the situation has changed. Around two million Ukrainians live in Poland - both economic migrants and people who fled the war. This is an entirely new social reality and a challenge to which we must respond consciously. Other challenges, including economic ones, must also be taken into account.

The pandemic, war and inflation - all of these influence the public sentiment. When people start running out of money, their willingness to show solidarity with «new neighbours» may weaken

Especially since they are constantly exposed to populist narratives claiming that immigrants take away our social benefits and our places in the queue for doctors. And that Ukraine does not agree to exhumations.

Yes, this is precisely why Polish-Ukrainian relations are no longer merely a matter of the past, but one of the key challenges for the future of Central and Eastern Europe. It is therefore important to defuse historical disputes, such as those concerning exhumations. It is very good that an agreement has recently been reached on this issue. Even if discussions on exhumations in the short term revive the Volyn’ issue, in the long term they will help resolve it. However, it is important to recognise - and I say this quite often to both Polish and Ukrainian partners - that at present, the key issue is not history. A major challenge lies in the broad economic matters related to Ukraine’s accession to the European Union.

We must recognise that Ukraine is not a failed state from which only unskilled workers or refugees come to Poland.

Despite the war, Ukraine has advantages in many areas that will pose a challenge to Poland when it joins the EU single market

Of course, Ukraine's accession to the EU is in Poland’s strategic interest. However, these are developments that we must be aware of, which we must closely observe and take action to prevent conflicts in these areas.

Therefore, at present, the real challenge is not the issue of the Volyn’ massacre, but rather how to adapt the common agricultural policy to the potential of Ukrainian agriculture. Naturally, it is also essential to prevent the escalation of social antagonism.

Photo: Jakub Orzechowski / Agencja Wyborcza.pl

How does Polish-Ukrainian academic cooperation appear against this background?

Today, around 9% of students at Polish universities are international, almost half of whom are Ukrainian. The academic world, in line with its longstanding European tradition, is multinational. Universities have always been places of openness and tolerance; today, they develop programmes for support, equality and diversity. These are initiatives and responsibilities undertaken by the universities themselves.

Of course, there are always areas that can be improved. I am thinking, for example, of efforts to achieve better integration within the university. It often happens that we have two or three student communities living separately – students from Poland, English-speaking students and students from the East, mainly Ukrainians and Belarusians. We are working to ensure that these two or three communities come closer together.

You are responsible for international cooperation. In Ukraine, claims are heard that Poland is «draining» its intellectual capital. This is a well-known phenomenon here too - for years, it has been said that the best Polish academics leave for the West. What does this circulation between Poland and Ukraine look like?

Before February 24th 2022, around 500 Ukrainian academics worked in Polish universities. After the outbreak of war, this number doubled. Initially, there were special support measures - help with finding housing, work, a safe place - but quite quickly we realised that a change of perspective was needed.

Our goal is not a brain drain, but a brain circulation - a circulation of knowledge, ideas and experience

This is precisely why today, as a ministry, we support projects involving researchers and institutions from both countries. Those that build a joint research space.

A concrete example of such cooperation is the project of Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University in Ivano-Frankivsk, which, together with the Centre for East European Studies, rebuilt the pre-war university observatory «White Elephant» on Mount Pip Ivan. A functioning research station was created from ruins. Now the two universities are seeking funding for a telescope, the third stage of the project. This is an example of concrete cooperation based on partnership, not asymmetry.

Another example is Mykulychyn, a village in the Ukrainian Carpathians, where a Polish-Ukrainian youth meeting centre is being built. During my recent visit there, the first meeting took place with the participation of students from several Ukrainian universities and the University of Warsaw. It is in such places - in conversations, debates, joint projects - that the next generation of mutual understanding is born.

There is a real chance that this generation will get to know each other not through stereotypes, but through experience and culture.

Yes, but much work still lies ahead. I remember a study conducted, I believe, in 2021. Poles were asked which Ukrainian authors they knew, and Ukrainians were asked which Polish authors they knew. It turned out that 95% of Poles had never read a book by a Ukrainian author - and vice versa. What followed was even more interesting. Ukrainians associated Polish authors with Sienkiewicz and Sapkowski, while Poles named Gogol and Oksana Zabuzhko among Ukrainian authors. In terms of getting to know one another, including through culture, we still have much work to do.

But it is also important not to reduce each other to a kind of ethno-folklore, because we have much more to offer one another. We are united by common aspirations and hopes. And commonality does not always arise from similarity. It also arises from the desire to coexist despite differences and wounds.

20
хв

Poland and Ukraine: we want to coexist despite differences and wounds

Joanna Mosiej

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