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20
хв

Iryna Danylevska: «Prosthetics on the catwalk - not a fashion trend, but our new reality. And we are ready to live like this»

A necklace in the shape of a circle of charred wheat ears - as a reminder of Ukrainian wheat that feeds many countries worldwide. A jacket sewn from ties, now unnecessary for Ukrainian men as they are at the frontline. «Designers know how to speak about war to strike at the heart», - says the head and co-founder of the Ukrainian Fashion Week, which took place in Kyiv in September for the first time since the war began

Oksana Goncharuk

Iryna Danylevska. Photo: Lesha Lich/vogue.ua

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Ruslan Baginskiy hats on Madonna, Guzema jewellery in the series «Emily in Paris», Beyoncé and Jennifer Lopez in dresses by Ivan Frolov, Heidi Klum in an outfit by Lesia Verlingieri on the red carpet in Cannes… The Western world’s interest in Ukrainian brands is growing, and Ukrainians are being invited to participate in global fashion weeks. In September - for the first time during the war - a fashion week was held in Kyiv - Ukrainian Fashion Week (UFW).

After two and a half years of forced absence in Ukraine, it returned to support the Ukrainian fashion industry and amplify Ukraine's voice globally. Over four days, sixty-one brands, including ten new names, presented their vision for the spring-summer 2025 season. Yet, in the context of war, the collections shown were less about fashion and more about resilience and revival. Today, we can say that this fashion week is a historic event for Ukraine.

«People want to live, work and be effective», explains UFW co-founder and head of the organising committee Iryna Danylevska. Sestry spoke with Iryna about the social dimension of fashion and poignant designer statements at UFW 2025, as well as about 2.5 years of Ukrainian fashion abroad.

Young designer Aliona Prodan and her new collection

«The world must understand: if all talented Ukrainians are killed, it will be impoverished»

Oksana Goncharuk: Returning to Ukraine after two and a half years of working abroad - a difficult decision…

Iryna Danylevska: Over these two and a half years, we organised twenty-nine runway events in London, Berlin, Budapest, Lisbon, Vienna, Copenhagen, thereby supporting the Ukrainian fashion industry. But fashion brands are not the entire industry, so we - despite all risks - returned home.

We set three goals: to support the industry and Ukrainians, to demonstrate the need to be effective for the country during the war, and to ensure that Ukraine continues to resonate globally.

Not only the appeals of our politicians, not only reports on destroyed homes and civilian deaths should continuously circulate worldwide. Instead, we wanted to show Ukraine as a country of not only courageous but also talented people. So that those who, somewhere abroad, view photos from UFW held in Kyiv during wartime, come to understand: if all these talented people here are killed, the world will be impoverished.

- How many countries have seen our fashion during the war?

- Since the start of the war, we have held shows in 12 countries. These were exclusively official events such as fashion weeks or major international exhibitions.

It was a revelation for us that global fashion, which is considered a highly competitive environment, was ready for solidarity

They did not just lend us their catwalks but created special conditions, understanding how difficult it is for Ukrainian brands to survive during the war. London, Budapest, Berlin, Lisbon, Los Angeles - everywhere we had comfortable conditions for shows. Some provided free venues, some paid for models, some - like Berlin Fashion Week - could, with state support, invite our young designers and cover their tickets and accommodation. This was powerful support for which we are sincerely grateful.

Ukrainian designers Ksenia Schnaider, Nadya Dzyak, Elena Reva at London Fashion Week in 2023. Photo: Scott Garfitt/Invision/East News

- Where did the first Ukrainian show during the war take place?

- In Malta, in the summer of 2022. Designer Nadiya Dzyak participated in Malta Fashion Week. Models walked the runway with yellow and blue scarves, and our wheat-and-sky flag was displayed on the backdrop. The organisers also requested that we record a video message explaining events in Ukraine, which they played repeatedly.

- Did any state institutions ever offer you assistance?

- Everything was on our initiative and personal connections.

However, when we needed male designers to travel to London or Copenhagen, we sought help from the Ministry of Culture and Information Policy. We are very grateful to USAID (the United States Agency for International Development, which provides non-military aid - Edit.), which implements the «Competitive Economy of Ukraine» programme. Thanks to grants from the fund, we held five events.

Fashion Created in Bomb Shelters

- How did you personally react to the start of the war before realising action was necessary?

- I awoke immediately. Only a week had passed since the full-scale invasion, and we were already writing letters to all global fashion organisations, proposing six effective steps to support Ukraine. We advised hiring Ukrainians from the fashion sector who had found themselves abroad, avoiding collaboration with Russian models or brands. We asked employees of large fashion corporations to write letters to their leaders to encourage them to help Ukraine. We also provided several specific addresses for assistance - verified charitable foundations.

In March, the initiative Support Ukrainian Fashion (SUF) was born. We sent 16 letters, informing colleagues that Ukrainian fashion brands were on the verge of survival. We immediately received 12 responses with offers of support and acceptance. Among the first to respond were Copenhagen, Berlin, Budapest, Bucharest and Vienna.

- Did you consider leaving the country with your family?

- No, because we knew we could be useful at home. Our entire family made this decision. I focused on fashion brands, our daughter Dana, a professional psychotherapist, continued her practice. My husband, Volodymyr Nechiporuk (UFW's general producer - Edit.), who has volunteered and helped wounded soldiers since 2014, immediately chose this path. We divided tasks to be as effective as possible.

At the start of the war, we did send our grandchildren to relatives in the Ternopil region, but they returned after two months. Since then, we have all lived together in a house near Kyiv. When there are attacks and it becomes dangerous, we hide in the garage, which is buried on three sides and serves as a shelter.

Iryna Danylevska with her husband Volodymyr Nechiporuk, daughter and grandchildren. Photo: private archive

- How does the Ukrainian Fashion Week team work on its messages? How should we speak to the world today to be heard?

- That is a very good question, as we must constantly think about what we want to convey. Over the two and a half years of war and four fashion seasons, we have adjusted these messages multiple times.

For example, in early 2023, we needed the world's support and donations. At London Fashion Week, we held a joint show of collections created during the war by three Ukrainian brands (KSENIASCHNAIDER, PASKAL and FROLOV). At the end of the show, the designers appeared with a Ukrainian flag bearing the UNITED24 logo (a fundraising platform collecting aid for Ukraine worldwide - Edit.).

In 2023, before each show, we wrote letters to guests instead of releases, explaining that the collections they were about to see were created amid the sounds of alarms, during explosions and blackouts…

So that everyone understood that the collections were made by brave and resilient people.

Later, when talk began of the need to «negotiate», we added to our messages that we are being killed simply because we want to be Ukrainians in an independent state.

It is important to always bridge the emotional with the official to convey that we must win this war - otherwise, it will keep repeating, as Russia will not allow us to be free.

This season, we held shows in Budapest, Berlin and Copenhagen. Copenhagen Fashion Week is about sustainability, environmental awareness and sustainable development. The Danes respond strongly to issues of ecology and nature preservation. When we discussed with designers what message to convey to the guests, we came up with the idea of telling them about our Askania-Nova biosphere reserve. Okay, you care about nature preservation - then look at how Europe's largest steppe reserve is being destroyed in plain sight, literally obliterated by the Russians.

To tell the story of Askania-Nova, we chose Ukrainian vytynanka - one of the most vivid traditional forms of our craft. Imagine: the entire second floor of the Ukrainian House in Denmark was filled with vytynanky depicting zebras, herons, other animals and birds, as well as plants from the reserve. It was against this backdrop that the new collections were presented.

- How impactful are your messages?

- We have not broken the system, but we have contributed to helping Europeans and Americans understand what is really happening.

The power of culture is in its constant, emotional and sincere expression. People need to encounter reminders everywhere: Ukrainians are fighting for freedom, for the right to be Ukrainian. Some are born with the right to be free, while Ukrainians must fight for this right.

«War drives us to fulfil old dreams, as it is uncertain if there will be a tomorrow»

- You mentioned that the fashion industry froze at the start of the war. How is it today?

- The market froze, not the industry. In 2022, Ukrainian designers simply shifted their production to military needs, began sewing for the army, which suddenly grew due to volunteers. Every sphere suffers during war, but most designer brands have survived - thanks to our support, the move towards exports and an increase in online sales.

There are phenomena that were born during the war. Antonina Belinska, a talented movie costume designer, had always dreamed of her own clothing brand.

After overcoming the initial shock of the war, she finally dared to make this dream a reality and created the brand TONiA. To me, this is a poignant story about how the uncertainty of tomorrow pushes us to fulfil our dreams today.

- Are Ukrainian designers involved in creating military uniforms, particularly for women?

- The Veteranka sewing workshop creates winter, demi-season and summer military uniforms. In two years, this workshop has produced 1291 units of women’s tactical clothing.

Since the start of the large-scale war, Veteranka has received hundreds of requests from female soldiers asking for adjustments to the men’s uniforms they were issued. Therefore, the workshop focused on sewing high-quality women's military uniforms, which are provided free of charge to female defenders upon request.

Viktor Anisimov’s VIKTORANISIMOV collection

- When you decided that UFW would happen, were the designers ready to accept this challenge?

- We began discussing fashion week in Ukraine as early as November 2023. Even then, designers started writing and calling me.

On the very first day, we announced that applications were open, 25 were submitted. This only strengthened our belief that such an event was necessary right now. However, we took a long time to make an official announcement, which we did only once preparations were in full swing.

We spent considerable time figuring out how to ensure everyone could go to the shelter during air raids and return to the shows afterwards without completely disrupting the schedule. We thought about holding the event not at Mystetskyi Arsenal, but directly in a shelter. However, Mystetskyi Arsenal won, as it is a reliable building with a shelter for 800 people.

Of course, we were also concerned about power outages, so we secured our operations with two generators.

- How many air raid alerts occurred during Fashion Week?

- It is a miracle, but there was not a single alert at that time. They happened between the first and second days of the event, and a journalist from British Vogue, who was brave enough to come to Ukraine for the event, wrote in his article that instead of an opening party, UFW had alerts and explosions.

- The art installation showcasing our designers' responses to the war received significant resonance...

- These are 18 artworks that designers created as reflections on the war. For example, Bevza's necklace, which resembles a circle of charred wheat stalks - a symbolic reminder of Ukrainian wheat that feeds many countries worldwide. Or Ksenia Schnaider's jacket, sewn from ties that Ukrainian men no longer need, as they are at the frontline. Another example is a jacket that designer Maria Starchak created right after the Mariupol tragedy - it is embroidered with the theatre bombed by the Russians, with the word «ДЕТИ» (from Russian - children) on the bottom.

From OMELIA, there is a shirt with flowers. One might wonder, what does it have to do with the war? Designer Kostyantyn Omelia said that when he returned to his studio in 2022 after forced evacuation, he saw dried flowers in vases that left a strong impression on him.

Art installation with designers' reflections on the war

- How has the war manifested in new collections?

- Designers know how to speak about the war in a way that chills to the bone. For instance, in the shows of brands Andreas Moskin, Gasanova and Nadya Dzyak, our veterans appeared on the runway with prosthetics, conveying more about our reality and the war than any military-style clothing could.

- Guests gave standing ovations to the veterans on the runway. I was personally struck by ballroom dance champion Kateryna Stashchyshak, who professionally danced in peacetime, but the war took her leg. How challenging is it for such people to walk the runway?

- This is also about courage. They did it to show our Ukrainian life. Inclusivity is not a trend, it is our new reality, and we are ready to live this way. We respect and bow to these people. They will never be separated from the processes taking place in the country. They should not sit at home alone with their pain.

Ukrainian ballroom dance champion Kateryna Stashchyshchak at the Nadya Dzyak show
FROLOV collection «Ivasyk-Telesyk»
Backstage at Ukrainian Fashion Week SS25. Photo by Serhiy Khandusenko
Nadya Dzyak presented the Chromatic collection, inspired by the Pink Lakes in southern Ukraine and the breathtaking views of the Kinburn Spit (currently occupied by the Russians)
Wozianov's collection titled In Apocalypse about modern Kyiv, characterised by the combination of war and creativity
Backstage of the Andreas Moskin show

Photos: UFW

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Ukrainian journalist, singer and composer (music came first and still is a part of her life). She began her journalism career by writing for the music magazine «Galas». For many years, she worked as a cultural columnist for the newspaper «KP in Ukraine» and also had experience as the editor-in-chief of the «Atelier» magazine. In recent years, she was a music critic for the publication Vesti.ua, and with the start of the full-scale war, she found her niche as a journalist in the genre of social reporting.

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Українці сьогодні ставлять собі обґрунтоване запитання: хто відбудовуватиме Україну, якщо біженці не повернуться? В умовах драматичної демографічної ситуації це питання звучить особливо болісно. Проте останні дані з Польщі хоч і можуть на перший погляд занепокоїти, насправді розповідають іншу історію — не про втрату, а про неймовірну силу та потенціал, що гартується на чужині й чекає на свій час.

Звіт компанії Deloitte про становище українських біженців у Польщі змальовує картину надзвичайної стійкості й рішучості. Пам'ятаймо, про кого ми говоримо. Це не анонімна міграція. Це насамперед українські жінки й діти. Аж 67% домогосподарств утримують самотні жінки, які в чужій країні взяли на свої плечі долю всієї родини, борючись із травмою війни та щоденною непевністю щодо долі близьких. Їхня здатність стати на ноги та знайти роботу в таких складних умовах є першим потужним доказом сили українського духу.

Доказ цінності, а не аргумент залишатися

Внесок українців у польську економіку вражає. У 2024 році вони додали до польського ВВП аж 2,7%, що відповідає сумі майже 99 мільярдів злотих доданої вартості

Завдяки сплаченим українцями податкам і внескам доходи державного бюджету зросли на 2,94%. Ці цифри не слід сприймати як втрату для України. Навпаки — це твердий доказ величезної цінності українського людського капіталу. Доказ того, що українці навіть у несприятливих умовах здатні творити, будувати й робити величезний внесок у розвиток. А отже, можна зробити висновок, що цей самий людський капітал може стати ключовим ресурсом у процесі відбудови вільної України.

Ба більше, аналіз спростовує міф про нібито конкуренцію. Дані показують, що в повітах, де частка біженців у зайнятості зросла на один відсотковий пункт, зайнятість громадян Польщі зросла на 0,5%, а безробіття знизилося на 0,3%. Виявилося, що присутність українських працівників стала для польської економіки стимулом до підвищення продуктивності й дала полякам можливість перейти на краще оплачувані та більш відповідальні посади.

Надзвичайно промовистим є також професійне зростання самих українців. Медіана їхньої заробітної плати протягом двох років зросла з 3100 злотих до 4000 злотих нетто, наблизившись до рівня 84% медіани по країні. Це доказ не лише рішучості, але й блискавичної адаптації. Не менш важливим є той факт, що біженці переважно утримують себе самі. Дослідження UNHCR за 2024 рік показують, що аж 80% доходів у їхніх домогосподарствах походять від праці. Соціальні виплати, переважно 800+ на дітей, становлять лише 14% їхніх доходів, і ця частка не зросла попри підвищення суми виплати. 

Це один з найшвидших процесів економічної інтеграції в історії сучасних міграцій у Європі

Цю картину співпраці, яка приносить користь обом сторонам, підтверджують не лише аналітики. Її можна почути й у голосах польських підприємців, які щодня бачать, як нова енергія живить їхні компанії.

«Польща перебуває в комфортній ситуації, бо вона не лише допомагає людям у потребі, а й заробляє завдяки їхній праці. Рідко трапляється, щоб у такому масштабі етика йшла пліч-о-пліч з прагматизмом», — коментує власник польської фірми, яка працевлаштовує чимало працівників з України, переважно жінок. Він просить зберегти анонімність, бо «останні голоси від нового мешканця Бельведеру вказують на інший напрямок».

Слова підприємця чудово віддзеркалюють парадокс, у якому опинилася Польща. Його прохання про анонімність не є випадковим. У періоди виборчих кампаній побоювання, пов'язані з міграцією, стають легким політичним паливом для частини політичної сцени. Гасла про нібито «відбирання робочих місць» чи «надмірне навантаження на бюджет» хоч і суперечать реальним даним, часом свідомо використовуються для мобілізації електорату. Це створює атмосферу невизначеності, в якій навіть позитивні економічні факти відсуваються на другий план гучнішим, негативним наративом.

Скарб, що чекає на розкриття — в Україні

Однак найважливіший висновок зі звіту — це величезний, досі не використаний потенціал. Аж 40% біженців працездатного віку мають вищу освіту, але лише 12% з них працюють на посадах, що вимагають таких кваліфікацій (порівняно з 37% серед поляків). Основні бар'єри:

  • Мова: Лише 18% біженців заявляють про вільне володіння польською мовою.
  • Регуляції: У регульованих професіях, як-от лікар чи архітектор, працюють лише 3,6% біженців (серед поляків — 10,6%).
  • Громадянство: Багато професій у державному секторі (наприклад, вчитель, медсестра, медичний рятувальник) залишаються формально закритими для осіб без польського паспорта незалежно від їхньої фактичної кваліфікації.

Аналітики підрахували, що якби Польща розблокувала бодай половину цього потенціалу, її економіка отримала б щонайменше 6 мільярдів злотих на рік, з яких понад 2,5 мільярди надійшли б безпосередньо до держбюджету. Це сума, порівняна з великою податковою реформою.

Парадокс інтеграції

Сьогодні працевлаштовано 69% дорослих біженців працездатного віку, а серед жінок цей показник становить 70% — лише на 2 відсоткові пункти менше, ніж серед польок. Однак проблеми починаються у віковій групі 25-39 років, де українські матері працюють значно рідше через брак системної підтримки у догляді за малими дітьми.

Цікаво, що дані демонструють певний парадокс. З одного боку, професійна інтеграція та знаходження нормальної роботи призводять до того, що біженці рідше планують повернення в Україну. З іншого боку — доступ до освіти та державних послуг, тобто соціальна інтеграція, збільшує готовність до повернення, оскільки дає відчуття стабільності й здатність свідомо планувати майбутнє. Це означає, що, допомагаючи людям знайти себе в суспільстві, їх не обов’язково «відбирають» в України — радше дають їм сили для ухвалення свідомого рішення про повернення, коли це стане можливим.

Саме досвід, здобутий за кордоном, може стати безцінною інвестицією в майбутнє. Це знання стандартів ЄС, ділові контакти, нові навички. Це капітал, який повернеться в Україну разом з людьми — майбутніми підприємцями та лідерами відбудови.

Однак у всіх цих дебатах про відсотки ВВП та стратегії найрідше чути голос тих, кого це стосується найбільше. Їхнє почуття безпеки крихке, бо залежить не лише від економічної стабільності, а й від соціальної атмосфери. А вона в свою чергу буває отруєна політичною грою, в якій гасла на кшталт «час закінчити з преференціями» чи «захист кордонів від напливу чужинців» стають інструментом для здобуття підтримки. Це відчуття «небажаного гостя» найкраще передає допис з форуму української діаспори:

«Якщо ти біженка, яка втратила все, що нажила за життя, чоловік пішов на фронт, а ти з дітьми мусила панічно тікати за кордон і день у день живеш питанням, чи буде до чого і до кого повертатися, чи все ж залишитися в Польщі, бо тут поки що безпечно, хоча дедалі частіше відчуваєш, що ти тут небажана гостя (...) то чи почувалася б ти в безпеці?»

Ці слова нагадують, що ключем до всього є перемога та створення в Україні безпечного, справедливого і перспективного майбутнього. Це сила, яка може повернутися і в майбутньому живити Україну. Однак, ключовим буде створення умов, які дозволять цим людям безпечно жити й використовувати здобутий досвід у власній країні.

20
хв

Сила, що чекає на повернення: українці в Польщі — не втрачений, а загартований потенціал для відбудови

Єжи Вуйцік

Joanna Mosiej: I would like to begin our conversation with your family history, because on many levels it serves as a metaphor for our Polish-Ukrainian relations. I am referring to your ancestors, the Szeptycki brothers. Roman (Andrey Sheptytsky - head of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, Metropolitan of Galicia, Archbishop of Lviv (1901–1944) - Edit.) converted to the Greek Catholic faith, entered a monastery, and later became Metropolitan. Another brother, Stanisław, first served in the Austrian army, and after the war became a general in the Polish army. Both were patriots, individuals deeply devoted to the countries they served. And they maintained a fraternal bond.

Professor Andrzej Szeptycki: Of the five Szeptycki brothers, two identified themselves as Ukrainians - Metropolitan Andrey Sheptytsky and Blessed Father Klymentiy - and three were Poles. I am referring to General Stanisław Szeptycki and also his brothers, Aleksander and my great-grandfather Leon. Metropolitan Andrey and Father Klymentiy regularly came on holiday to rest at the family home in Prylbichi in the Yavoriv district, where my great-grandfather Leon Szeptycki later lived. Despite their national differences, they maintained good relations with each other until the end of their lives.

Professor Andrzej Szeptycki. Photo: Michal Zebrowski / East News

They proved to us that different national identities can coexist without excluding one another.

I believe it was also very important that in the case of each of them, national identity was a significant element of life, but not the only one. In the case of Metropolitan Andrey and Father Klymentiy, their vocation and religious choices were primary as clergy. General Stanisław Szeptycki, as a soldier of that time, first served in the Austro-Hungarian and then in the Polish army and sought to serve his country well. They were certainly patriots - of each nation with which they identified. On the other hand, it is very important that they were certainly not nationalists. And this allowed them to respect different views while remaining close to one another.

Was such a legacy, a borderland identity, a value or a curse for your family? How does it define you?

During the communist period, it was somewhat of a challenge, a burden. The communist authorities viewed representatives of the former noble class negatively. In the case of the Szeptycki family, this was further combined with a very strong propaganda narrative directed against Ukrainians in Poland. And, of course, directed personally against Metropolitan Andrey, who was portrayed as a Ukrainian nationalist and spiritual father of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army. During the communist period, and even in the 1990s, relatives quite regularly heard that Szeptycki is a Banderite». Nowadays, this has practically disappeared. I experienced this myself in 2023 when I was running an election campaign. The few voter reactions to my name were generally positive. In this sense, it is a significant change.

Apart from comments on social media, of course.

Yes, there I am often called Szeptycki - a Ukrainian, a Banderite. And surely there is a portion of society that will always react in this way. Returning to how it defines me, ever since our student years, my cousins and I have quite often travelled around Ukraine.

Some of us needed only one trip, while others stayed longer, for life. My cousin moved to Lviv a few years ago at the age of 50. Another cousin established the Szeptycki Family Foundation, which became actively involved in supporting Ukraine after February 24th 2022.

Photo: Karina Krystosiak/REPORTER

How do you explain this outburst of solidarity among us in 2022?

I believe there are three important factors. Firstly, the simple human need to help. Altruism which arises when we witness the suffering of others and react without much consideration.

Secondly, the shared experience of Russian imperialism. This has always resonated with Polish society. It is worth recalling the Polish response to the war in Chechnya - the reception of refugees, the clear sympathies. Or the year 2008 and the war in Georgia. Poland does not have strong cultural or geographical ties with Georgia, yet the reaction was vivid. We remember President Lech Kaczyński’s visit to Tbilisi and his prophetic words: today Georgia, tomorrow Ukraine, the day after, perhaps the Baltic states, and then Poland. But most importantly - and in my opinion decisively - is the fact that none of this arose in a vacuum. This solidarity did not suddenly sprout in a desert, but on rather fertile ground which Poles and Ukrainians had been cultivating together over the past three decades.

From the 1990s, both sides carried out considerable work to develop interpersonal contacts. In 2022, many Poles were not helping «refugees». We were, for the most part, simply helping friends

Keeping in mind the great importance of the prior presence of Ukrainian refugees who had arrived in Poland since 2014, economic migrants from Ukraine, and the Ukrainian minority, primarily descendants of the victims of Operation Vistula.

Of course. Since the beginning of the war, that is, since 2014, or even since 2004, the Ukrainian minority in Poland has played an important role in supporting Ukraine - collecting funds, purchasing equipment, sending that equipment to the frontline. And receiving Ukrainian military refugees after February 24th 2022. Undoubtedly, the role of this community cannot be overestimated.

Precisely. You have been researching Polish-Ukrainian relations for many years. How have they changed? How has the Poles’ perception of Ukrainians changed?

It has been a long process. From the establishment of mutual contacts in the 1990s, through the Orange Revolution, the Revolution of Dignity - up to 2022. And, on the other hand, through the long-term presence in Poland of a significant group of economic migrants from Ukraine. Let us not forget that none of this would have been possible without the consistency of Poland’s Eastern policy and the legacy of the thought of the Paris-based «Kultura» and Jerzy Giedroyc personally. This belief in the importance of Ukraine, the importance of good relations, the necessity of support.

We were the first country to recognise Ukraine’s independence.

And it is worth mentioning a very important, albeit little-known, moment in Polish-Ukrainian relations on the eve of the USSR’s collapse, namely the participation of the Polish delegation of civic committees in the 1st Congress of the People’s Movement in Kyiv in 1989. The presence of representatives of the Polish civic committees, including Adam Michnik and Bogdan Borusewicz, was a symbolic gesture of support for Ukraine from Polish «Solidarity» at a time when Poland was still part of the Warsaw Pact and Ukraine still within the USSR.

Photo: Łukasz Gdak/East News

And what were the subsequent milestones of our cooperation?

First and foremost, the three key events of the past two decades, which I have already mentioned: the Orange Revolution, the Revolution of Dignity, and the full-scale Russian invasion in 2022. Each of these was met in Poland with clear public interest and a broad response of solidarity.

A sense of shared destiny, the legacy of Solidarity and the struggle for independence played an important role. At times, analogies were even drawn: it was said that Ukrainians in 2022 found themselves in a situation similar to that faced by Poles during the Second World War. The exhibition «Warsaw - Mariupol: cities of ruins, cities of struggle, cities of hope» was one such attempt to draw this symbolic parallel: cities levelled to the ground, the suffering of civilians, resistance. But it was also accompanied by another, no less important conviction: that Ukrainians today are facing something we, fortunately, are not experiencing - a classic violent conflict with Russian imperialism. And this solidarity manifested itself in Polish assistance.

What can we do to ensure this unprecedented solidarity seen in 2022 is not wasted? Today, in addition to the demons of the past, such as Volyn’ and the issue of exhumations, there are pressing social and economic problems.

Firstly, it is important to realise that no surge of solidarity lasts forever. The enthusiasm for Ukrainians that erupted after the beginning of the Russian invasion has gradually waned, and we are now in a phase where tension and fatigue are beginning to accumulate.

For most of its recent history, Poland has been a country of emigration - people left in search of work, bread, a better life. The issue of immigration was virtually absent from public debate. Today, the situation has changed. Around two million Ukrainians live in Poland - both economic migrants and people who fled the war. This is an entirely new social reality and a challenge to which we must respond consciously. Other challenges, including economic ones, must also be taken into account.

The pandemic, war and inflation - all of these influence the public sentiment. When people start running out of money, their willingness to show solidarity with «new neighbours» may weaken

Especially since they are constantly exposed to populist narratives claiming that immigrants take away our social benefits and our places in the queue for doctors. And that Ukraine does not agree to exhumations.

Yes, this is precisely why Polish-Ukrainian relations are no longer merely a matter of the past, but one of the key challenges for the future of Central and Eastern Europe. It is therefore important to defuse historical disputes, such as those concerning exhumations. It is very good that an agreement has recently been reached on this issue. Even if discussions on exhumations in the short term revive the Volyn’ issue, in the long term they will help resolve it. However, it is important to recognise - and I say this quite often to both Polish and Ukrainian partners - that at present, the key issue is not history. A major challenge lies in the broad economic matters related to Ukraine’s accession to the European Union.

We must recognise that Ukraine is not a failed state from which only unskilled workers or refugees come to Poland.

Despite the war, Ukraine has advantages in many areas that will pose a challenge to Poland when it joins the EU single market

Of course, Ukraine's accession to the EU is in Poland’s strategic interest. However, these are developments that we must be aware of, which we must closely observe and take action to prevent conflicts in these areas.

Therefore, at present, the real challenge is not the issue of the Volyn’ massacre, but rather how to adapt the common agricultural policy to the potential of Ukrainian agriculture. Naturally, it is also essential to prevent the escalation of social antagonism.

Photo: Jakub Orzechowski / Agencja Wyborcza.pl

How does Polish-Ukrainian academic cooperation appear against this background?

Today, around 9% of students at Polish universities are international, almost half of whom are Ukrainian. The academic world, in line with its longstanding European tradition, is multinational. Universities have always been places of openness and tolerance; today, they develop programmes for support, equality and diversity. These are initiatives and responsibilities undertaken by the universities themselves.

Of course, there are always areas that can be improved. I am thinking, for example, of efforts to achieve better integration within the university. It often happens that we have two or three student communities living separately – students from Poland, English-speaking students and students from the East, mainly Ukrainians and Belarusians. We are working to ensure that these two or three communities come closer together.

You are responsible for international cooperation. In Ukraine, claims are heard that Poland is «draining» its intellectual capital. This is a well-known phenomenon here too - for years, it has been said that the best Polish academics leave for the West. What does this circulation between Poland and Ukraine look like?

Before February 24th 2022, around 500 Ukrainian academics worked in Polish universities. After the outbreak of war, this number doubled. Initially, there were special support measures - help with finding housing, work, a safe place - but quite quickly we realised that a change of perspective was needed.

Our goal is not a brain drain, but a brain circulation - a circulation of knowledge, ideas and experience

This is precisely why today, as a ministry, we support projects involving researchers and institutions from both countries. Those that build a joint research space.

A concrete example of such cooperation is the project of Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University in Ivano-Frankivsk, which, together with the Centre for East European Studies, rebuilt the pre-war university observatory «White Elephant» on Mount Pip Ivan. A functioning research station was created from ruins. Now the two universities are seeking funding for a telescope, the third stage of the project. This is an example of concrete cooperation based on partnership, not asymmetry.

Another example is Mykulychyn, a village in the Ukrainian Carpathians, where a Polish-Ukrainian youth meeting centre is being built. During my recent visit there, the first meeting took place with the participation of students from several Ukrainian universities and the University of Warsaw. It is in such places - in conversations, debates, joint projects - that the next generation of mutual understanding is born.

There is a real chance that this generation will get to know each other not through stereotypes, but through experience and culture.

Yes, but much work still lies ahead. I remember a study conducted, I believe, in 2021. Poles were asked which Ukrainian authors they knew, and Ukrainians were asked which Polish authors they knew. It turned out that 95% of Poles had never read a book by a Ukrainian author - and vice versa. What followed was even more interesting. Ukrainians associated Polish authors with Sienkiewicz and Sapkowski, while Poles named Gogol and Oksana Zabuzhko among Ukrainian authors. In terms of getting to know one another, including through culture, we still have much work to do.

But it is also important not to reduce each other to a kind of ethno-folklore, because we have much more to offer one another. We are united by common aspirations and hopes. And commonality does not always arise from similarity. It also arises from the desire to coexist despite differences and wounds.

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